Why was Ngo Dinh Diem, the American choice for support between 1955-63?
Background: Ngo Dinh Diem came to power in South Vietnam following the Geneva talks. He replaced Bao Dai and the French leaders and began to receive aid from America as he fought the communist North Vietnamese. He stood as the obstacle to Vietnamese unification under the Viet Minh, but struggled for legitimacy in the South. He was a Catholic in a predominantly Buddhist country. His attempts to control the population through his strategic hamlet program and his direct assaults on buddhist pagodas turned the population against him. His policies led to increased presence of Viet Cong in South Vietnam and eventually a coup.
Documents:
Questions for Examination:
- Was that violence in Vietnam more accurately characterized as an internal rebellion, a war for independence, or a war between two legitimate sovereigns?
- How does the scene at National Airport and his letter to Kennedy reflect Diem's importance to American leaders in the 1950s?
- How do you think Madame Nhu's aristocratic persona affected popular support for Diem's administration?
- What was American reaction to the self immolation of Buddhist monks?
Ngo Dinh Diem made the cover of Time magazine in April 4, 1955. The Headline read "The hour is late, the odds are long." Diem was America's hope to bring legitimate rule to South Vietnam following the French defeat at Dien Bien Phu. The cover art contrasts the beauty of Vietnam as a country with the violence.
In May of 1957, Ngo Dinh Diem toured the US and was welcomed by President Eisenhower. Diem was an American educated Catholic who sought American support for his rule in South Vietnam following the French rule. His promise to fight communism was sincere. His tour included a speech to a joint session of Congress. A write up about the address can be found in the House of Representatives archives.
This letter from South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem to American President John F. Kennedy December 7, 1961 gives some insight into why American Presidents would be so invested in him.
Dear Mr President:
Since its birth, more than six years ago, the Republic of Vietnam has enjoyed the close friendship and
co-operation of the United States of America.
Like the United states, The Republic of Vietnam has always been devoted to the preservation of peace. My people know only
too well the sorrows of war. We have honored the 1954 Geneva Agreements even though they resulted in the partition of our
country and the enslavement of more than half of our people by Communist tyranny. We have never considered the
reunification of our nation by force. On the contrary, we have publicly pledged that we will not violate the demarcation line and
the demilitarized zone set up by the Agreements. We have always been prepared and have on many occasions stated our
willingness to reunify Vietnam on the basis of democratic and truly free elections.
The record of the Communist authorities in the northern part of the country is quite otherwise. They not only consented to the
division of Vietnam, but were eager for it. They pledged themselves to observe the Geneva Agreements and during the seven
years since have never ceased to violate them. They call for free elections but are ignorant of the very meaning of the words.
They talk of "peaceful reunification" and wage war against us.
From the beginning, the Communists resorted to terror in their efforts to subvert our people, destroy our government, and
impose a Communist regime upon us. They have attacked defenseless teachers, closed schools, killed members of our
anti-malarial program, and looted hospitals. This is coldly calculated to destroy our government's humanitarian efforts to serve
our people.
We have long sought to check the Communist attack from the North on our people by appeals to the International Control
Commission. Over the years, we have repeatedly published to the world the evidence of the Communist plot to overthrow our
government and seize control of all of Vietnam by illegal intrusions from outside our country. The evidence has mounted until
now it is hardly necessary to rehearse it. Most recently, the kidnapping and brutal murder of our Chief Liaison Officer to the
International Control Commission, Colonel Noang Thuy Nam, compelled us to speak out once more. In our October 24, 1961
letter to the ICC, we called attention again to the publicly stated determination of the Communist authorities in Hanoi to
"liberate the south" by the overthrow of my government and the imposition of a Communist regime on our people. We cited the
proof of massive infiltration of Communist agents agents and military elements into our country. We outlined the Communist
strategy, which is simply the ruthless use of terror against the whole population, women and children included.
In the course of the last few months, the communist assault on my people has achieved high ferocity. In October they caused
more than 1,800 incidents of violence and more than 2,000 casualties. They have struck occasionally in battalion strength, and
they are continually augmentating their forces by infiltration from the North. The level of their attacks is already such that our
forces are stretched to the utmost. We are forced to defend every village, every hamlet, indeed every home against a foe whose
tactic is always to strike at the defenseless.
A disastrous flood was recently added to the misfortunes of the Vietnamese people. The greater part of the three provinces
was inundated, with a great loss of property. We are now engaged in a nationwide effort to reconstruct and rehabilitate this
area. The Communists are, of course, making this task doubly difficult, for they have seized upon the disruption of normal
administration and communications as an opportunity to sow more destruction in the stricken area.
In short, the Vietnamese nation now faces what is perhaps the gravest crisis in its long history. For more than 2,000 years my
people have lived and built, fought and died in this land. We have not always been free. Indeed, much of our history and many
of its proudest moments have arisen from conquest by foreign powers and our struggle against great odds to regain or defend
our precious independence. But it is not only our freedom that is at stake today, it is our national identity. For if we lose the
war, our people will be swallowed by the Communist bloc, all our proud heritage will be blotted out by the "Socialist society"
and Vietnam will leave the pages of history. We will lose our national soul.
Mr President, my people and I are mindful of the great assistance the United States has given us. Your help has not been lightly
received, for the Vietnamese are proud people, and we are prepared to do our part in the defense of the free world. It is clear
to all of us that the defeat of the Viet Cong demands the total mobilization of our government and our people, and you may be
sure that we will devote all of our resources of money, minds, and men to this task.
But Vietnam is not a great power and the forces of international Communism now arrayed against us are more than we can
meet with the resources at hand. We must have furthur assistance from the United States if we are to win the war now being
waged against us.
We can certainly assure mankind that our action is purely defensive. Much as we regret the subjugation of more than half our
people in North Vietnam, we have no intention, and indeed no means, to free them by use of force.
I have said that Vietnam is at war. War means many things, but most of all it means the death of brave people for a cause they
believe in. Vietnam has suffered many wars, and through the centuries we have always had patriots and heroes who were
willing to shed their blood for Vietnam. We will keep faith with them.
When Communism has long ebbed away into the past, my people will still be here, a free united nation growing from the deep
roots of our Vietnamese heritage. They will remember your help in our time of need. This struggle will then be a part of our
common history. And your help, your friendship, and the strong bonds between our two peoples will be a part of Vietnam, then
as now.
Ngo Dinh Diem
Dear Mr President:
Since its birth, more than six years ago, the Republic of Vietnam has enjoyed the close friendship and
co-operation of the United States of America.
Like the United states, The Republic of Vietnam has always been devoted to the preservation of peace. My people know only
too well the sorrows of war. We have honored the 1954 Geneva Agreements even though they resulted in the partition of our
country and the enslavement of more than half of our people by Communist tyranny. We have never considered the
reunification of our nation by force. On the contrary, we have publicly pledged that we will not violate the demarcation line and
the demilitarized zone set up by the Agreements. We have always been prepared and have on many occasions stated our
willingness to reunify Vietnam on the basis of democratic and truly free elections.
The record of the Communist authorities in the northern part of the country is quite otherwise. They not only consented to the
division of Vietnam, but were eager for it. They pledged themselves to observe the Geneva Agreements and during the seven
years since have never ceased to violate them. They call for free elections but are ignorant of the very meaning of the words.
They talk of "peaceful reunification" and wage war against us.
From the beginning, the Communists resorted to terror in their efforts to subvert our people, destroy our government, and
impose a Communist regime upon us. They have attacked defenseless teachers, closed schools, killed members of our
anti-malarial program, and looted hospitals. This is coldly calculated to destroy our government's humanitarian efforts to serve
our people.
We have long sought to check the Communist attack from the North on our people by appeals to the International Control
Commission. Over the years, we have repeatedly published to the world the evidence of the Communist plot to overthrow our
government and seize control of all of Vietnam by illegal intrusions from outside our country. The evidence has mounted until
now it is hardly necessary to rehearse it. Most recently, the kidnapping and brutal murder of our Chief Liaison Officer to the
International Control Commission, Colonel Noang Thuy Nam, compelled us to speak out once more. In our October 24, 1961
letter to the ICC, we called attention again to the publicly stated determination of the Communist authorities in Hanoi to
"liberate the south" by the overthrow of my government and the imposition of a Communist regime on our people. We cited the
proof of massive infiltration of Communist agents agents and military elements into our country. We outlined the Communist
strategy, which is simply the ruthless use of terror against the whole population, women and children included.
In the course of the last few months, the communist assault on my people has achieved high ferocity. In October they caused
more than 1,800 incidents of violence and more than 2,000 casualties. They have struck occasionally in battalion strength, and
they are continually augmentating their forces by infiltration from the North. The level of their attacks is already such that our
forces are stretched to the utmost. We are forced to defend every village, every hamlet, indeed every home against a foe whose
tactic is always to strike at the defenseless.
A disastrous flood was recently added to the misfortunes of the Vietnamese people. The greater part of the three provinces
was inundated, with a great loss of property. We are now engaged in a nationwide effort to reconstruct and rehabilitate this
area. The Communists are, of course, making this task doubly difficult, for they have seized upon the disruption of normal
administration and communications as an opportunity to sow more destruction in the stricken area.
In short, the Vietnamese nation now faces what is perhaps the gravest crisis in its long history. For more than 2,000 years my
people have lived and built, fought and died in this land. We have not always been free. Indeed, much of our history and many
of its proudest moments have arisen from conquest by foreign powers and our struggle against great odds to regain or defend
our precious independence. But it is not only our freedom that is at stake today, it is our national identity. For if we lose the
war, our people will be swallowed by the Communist bloc, all our proud heritage will be blotted out by the "Socialist society"
and Vietnam will leave the pages of history. We will lose our national soul.
Mr President, my people and I are mindful of the great assistance the United States has given us. Your help has not been lightly
received, for the Vietnamese are proud people, and we are prepared to do our part in the defense of the free world. It is clear
to all of us that the defeat of the Viet Cong demands the total mobilization of our government and our people, and you may be
sure that we will devote all of our resources of money, minds, and men to this task.
But Vietnam is not a great power and the forces of international Communism now arrayed against us are more than we can
meet with the resources at hand. We must have furthur assistance from the United States if we are to win the war now being
waged against us.
We can certainly assure mankind that our action is purely defensive. Much as we regret the subjugation of more than half our
people in North Vietnam, we have no intention, and indeed no means, to free them by use of force.
I have said that Vietnam is at war. War means many things, but most of all it means the death of brave people for a cause they
believe in. Vietnam has suffered many wars, and through the centuries we have always had patriots and heroes who were
willing to shed their blood for Vietnam. We will keep faith with them.
When Communism has long ebbed away into the past, my people will still be here, a free united nation growing from the deep
roots of our Vietnamese heritage. They will remember your help in our time of need. This struggle will then be a part of our
common history. And your help, your friendship, and the strong bonds between our two peoples will be a part of Vietnam, then
as now.
Ngo Dinh Diem
The self proclaimed First Lady of Vietnam (since her brother-in-law Ngo Dinh Diem was a bachelor), Madame Nhu was the wife of his closest advisor Ngo Dinh Nhu. "The Dragon Lady" was a lightening rod for the Diem administration. She travelled abroad representing the country.
Malcolm Browne's photo of the Buddhist monk, Thich Quang Duc taken June 12, 1963 shocked the world. The strategic hamlet program and the treatment of Buddhist by Diem incited others to protest similarly.
"Dragon Lady," Madame Nhu showed citizens that they could all be trained to fight communists. Here she fires a pistol in a female officer training session in 1962. In the summer of 1963, she criticized the protests of Thich Quang Duc referring to his immolation as a "barbecue." Her publicity galvanized support and criticism of the Diem regime.
Following the coup on November 2, 1963 when both Diem and his closest advisor Nhu were assassinated, Americans began to see Vietnam differently. Herblock published this cartoon in the Washington Post November 4, 1963.